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FIELDIANA Anthropology

Published by Field Museum of Natural History

Volume 72

HISTORIC INGALIK SETTLEMENTS ALONG THE YUKON, INNOKO, AND ANVIK RIVERS, ALASKA

JAMES W. VANSTONE

'nt,

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J (J, '"%

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March 30, 1979

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

A Continuation of the

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES

of

FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY

VOLUME 72

FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY CHICAGO, U.S.A.

HISTORIC INGALIK SETTLEMENTS ALONG THE YUKON, INNOKO, AND ANVIK RIVERS, ALASKA

FIELDIANA Anthropology

Published by Field Museum of Natural History

Volume 72

HISTORIC INGALIK SETTLEMENTS ALONG THE YUKON, INNOKO, AND ANVIK RIVERS, ALASKA

JAMES W. VANSTONE

Curator, North American Archaeology and Ethnology Field Museum of Natural History

March 30, 1979 Publication 1296

Library of Congress Catalog Card No.: 78-60830 ISSN 0071-4739 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

CONTENTS

Page

List of Illustrations ix

Preface 1

Abbreviations 2

Introduction

The lower-middle Yukon and its inhabitants 3

Methodology 8

I Settlements on the Innoko River and Shageluk Slough 12

Introduction 12

Site descriptions 15

Population of the lower Innoko 26

The upper Innoko River 27

II Village Sites on the Anvik River and in the Vicinity of Anvik Village. . 31

Introduction 31

Site descriptions 31

III Settlements on the Yukon River: Anvik to the Confluence with Shageluk Slough 45

Introduction 45

Site descriptions 45

IV Settlements on the Yukon River: Deadmans Slough to the Mouth of the Innoko River 54

Introduction 54

Site descriptions 54

V Analysis and Conclusions 70

Settlement typology 70

Houses and community patterns 73

Population changes 77

Distribution of settlements 79

Settlement pattern continuity and change 84

Settlement pattern determinants - a comparison 86

References 88

Index 94

vu

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figures

1. Map of Alaska 5

2. Map of the lower Innoko River 13

3. Map of the Anvik River and vicinity 32

4. Map of the Yukon River between Anvik and the confluence with

Shageluk Slough 46

5. Map of the Yukon River between Anvik and Holy Cross 55

Plates

1. Village of Old Shageluk (HC-8) about 1917 20

2. The mission and Anvik Point settlement (HC-14) about 1895 33

3. Anvik Point (HC-14) about 1920 34

4. The church at Anvik on January 1, 1919 35

5. Four Mile fish camp (HC-27) in 1919 47

6. The mission at Holy Cross (HC-54) about 1895 65

PREFACE

This study describes a series of historic archaeological sites along the lower-middle Yukon River and its tributaries in west-central Alaska. Changing settlement patterns in the area during the nine- teenth and early twentieth centuries are reconstructed and an assessment is made of the factors responsible for changes with a view to determining the manner in which cultural institutions are reflected in settlement configurations. Comparisons are also made with data on Eskimo settlement patterns in southwestern Alaska. The specific methodology on which this study is based is discussed in detail in the introduction.

The two seasons of field research on which this study is based were supported financially by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for An- thropological Research (1972) and the James R. Getz Fund of Field Museum of Natural History (1974). In Alaska the following indi- viduals were particularly helpful in contributing logistic support and time and effort toward the assemblage of the historical and ethnographic data utilized in this study: Mr. and Mrs. Charles Lucier, Anchorage; Dr. Mim Harris Dixon, College; Mr. Adolph Hamilton, Mr. Hamilton Hamilton, the late Mr. Joseph Hamilton, and Mrs. Mathilda Dutchman of Shageluk; Mr. Henry Deacon and Mr. John Deacon of Grayling; Mr. and Mrs. Terrance Wharton, Mr. Terrance Wharton, Jr., Mr. Marcus Mailelle, Mr. Wilson Mailelle, Mr. Calvin Chase, and Mr. Lucius Young of Anvik; also Mr. and Mrs. James Fullton, formerly associated with the Episcopal Church in that village.

For assistance in obtaining much of the historical material on which this study is based, I wish to express my appreciation to the following individuals and institutions: Mr. Max Plaut, formerly reference librarian, Field Museum Library; Mr. Paul McCarthy, ar- chivist, and Mrs. Renee Blahuta of the archives staff, Archives and Manuscript Collections, University of Alaska, Fairbanks; Mrs. Phyllis De Muth, librarian, State Historical Library, Juneau; Father

2 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 72

Clifford Carroll, archivist, Oregon Province Archives of the Society of Jesus; Ms. Elinor S. Hearn, assistant to the archivist, Archives and Historical Collections, the Episcopal Church.

Dr. Wendell H. Oswalt, University of California, Los Angeles read an early draft of the manuscript and offered useful suggestions and critical comments of a specific nature. It is with considerable grati- tude that I acknowledge his valuable assistance. Drafts of the manuscript were typed by Mrs. Sylvia Schueppert and Mr. Jim Hanson. The maps were drawn by Mr. Zbigniew Jastrzebski.

AROCA ECA

HCM

OPA

RACR/CS

UA

Abbreviations

Archives of the Russian Orthodox Church in Alaska Archives and Historical Collections, the Episcopal

Church Holy Cross Mission

Oregon Province Archives of the Society of Jesus Russian- American Company Records: Communica- tions Sent Archives and Manuscript Collections, University of Alaska, Fairbanks

INTRODUCTION

The Lower-Middle Yukon and its Inhabitants1

The region of west-central Alaska with which this study is con- cerned includes a section of the lower Yukon River between Shage- luk Slough on the north and the mouth of the Innoko River on the south. Also included are the drainage systems of the Anvik River, a locally important western tributary of the Yukon, and the lower Innoko River, the only significant Yukon tributary entering on the left or east bank. The entire area is part of a physiographic region characterized by one geologist as the Innoko Lowlands consisting, for the most part, of flat river flood plains (Wahrhaftig, 1965, p. 30).

For the purposes of this study, the area is divided into four sec- tions: the Innoko River to its confluence with the Iditarod including Holikachuk and Shageluk sloughs, but excluding the mouth of the Innoko; the Anvik River from its mouth to Otter Creek and the Yukon in the immediate vicinity of Anvik village; the Yukon River from Deadman's Slough to and including the mouth of the Innoko River. Geographical details of this extensive region and contiguous areas are presented in the chapters that follow. In considering the physiography of the Innoko Lowlands as a whole, however, impor- tant factors are the presence of numerous navigable rivers which have played a dominant role in the culture of the native inhabitants and the virtual absence of high mountains and large lakes. The rivers have provided access to major sources of food and have also facilitated communication between villages built along their banks. Similarly, they were avenues to the interior of central Alaska, first for Russian explorers, traders, and missionaries and then for their American counterparts as well as for subsequent gold seekers.

This geographical area is occupied by the Anvik-Shageluk Inga- lik, an Athapaskan-speaking people who, at the time of their first direct contact with Europeans in the late eighteenth or early nine-

■Most of this section has been summarized from VanStone, 1979.

3

4 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 72

teenth centuries, were one of four subdivisions of Ingalik living along the lower-middle Yukon, lower Innoko, and a small portion of the Kuskokwim River drainage (Osgood, 1940, p. 31). Several set- tlements of Holikachuk Athapaskans, neighbors of the Ingalik on the upper Innoko River (Krauss, 1974), are also included in the area of this study. Total population of the region occupied by these two groups may have been as high as 2,000 at the beginning of the his- toric period, but this number was greatly reduced, perhaps by as much as two-thirds, as the result of a severe smallpox epidemic that swept southwestern Alaska in 1838 and 1839. At the beginning of the present century they numbered approximately 500.

The neighbors of the Anvik-Shageluk Ingalik include Eskimos as well as other Athapaskan speakers. West of the Anvik River and its tributaries is the territory of the Unaligmiut Eskimos who inhabit the coast of Norton Sound and the banks of the short rivers flowing into it. Contact and trade between the Ingalik and Eskimos was im- portant in this area. Kwikpagmiut Eskimos live along the Yukon River south of Holy Cross to the river mouth. The only Athapaskan group directly in contact with the Anvik-Shageluk area are, as just noted, the Holikachuk, who today live along the Yukon River in the village of Grayling. Because of frequent interaction with the Inga- lik, the Holikachuk, most of whom formerly occupied the recently abandoned village of that name on the Innoko River, are culturally aligned to the Anvik-Shageluk people.

Ethnohistoric sources and the extensive field work of Cornelius Osgood in the 1930's (Osgood, 1940, 1958, 1959) indicate that the nineteenth-century Ingalik wintered at permanent villages along the Yukon and Innoko rivers. In the spring small hunting parties left the settlements to hunt caribou and moose in the high country to the east and west. Beaver and muskrat were trapped in April. At the first appearance of open water in the small lakes and ponds which dot the lowlands of the river valleys, usually by mid-May, ducks and geese were hunted as they migrated north. Spring fishing for whitefish was also an important activity in the vicinity of the river villages. Late spring was the time of trading expeditions to the coast in the early contact period. Trading parties of Eskimos from Norton Sound came to the Yukon and the Ingalik traveled to the coast, usually by way of the Anvik River.

Salmon fishing was the most important subsistence activity dur- ing the summer and by the time the rivers were clear of ice, the In- dians had moved to their summer fish camps which were usually

<

CS

6 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 72

located near or adjacent to the permanent settlements. Ducks and geese were also hunted throughout the summer and berries gathered in the late summer and early fall. Shortly before the close of naviga- tion on the rivers in late October, the people returned to their perma- nent villages to prepare for late fall and early winter hunting and trapping. Whitefish and lampreys were taken through the ice and men went off to the high country seeking large game. By the end of November, most hunters had returned to the villages and trapping continued at least until the end of December. Small game hunting and fishing for whitefish and pike continued throughout the winter. Lavish winter entertainments and festivals took place during the coldest months when outdoor subsistence activities were, of necessi- ty, greatly restricted.

The Russian fur trade on the lower Yukon began with the estab- lishment of Mikhailovskiy Redoubt (St. Michael) northeast of the river's mouth in 1833 and the penetration of the Yukon Valley by Andrey Glazunov's expedition the following year. Additional posts were established at Ikogmiut in 1836 and Nulato on the middle river in 1838.

At first, the fur harvest was abundant and meaningful economic ties were established with the Ingalik and their neighbors. Soon, however, the number of furs began to diminish, primarily because the Russians had insufficient knowledge concerning the country, the traditional economic patterns of its native inhabitants, and the efforts necessary to develop new patterns that would benefit the Russian- American Company. In spite of the presence of a number of trading posts in west-central Alaska, the native inhabitants contin- ued to depend on their Eskimo neighbors to the north who main- tained direct contact with the Chukchi who had access to supplies available from Siberian trading posts on the Kolyma River. For more than 30 years the Russian-American Company struggled to turn the fur trade to its own advantage, but was unsuccessful by the time the country was relinquished to the United States in 1867.

During the early American period, the Ingalik benefited from com- petition between the Alaska Commercial Company, successor to the Russian-American Company, and the Western Fur and Trading Company, but following the collapse of the latter in 1883 the situa- tion changed drastically. Prices paid for furs were forced down and the Indians' greater dependence on European goods, together with a decline in numbers of fur-bearing and some large game animals, gave traders the power and authority lacking earlier.

VANSTONE: INGALIK SETTLEMENTS 7

The introduction of commercial fur trapping necessitated a reori- entation of Ingalik ecological and social patterns. As we have noted, the aboriginal seasonal ecology of the Indians involved periods of both dispersal and aggregation and the fur trade accentuated the degree and duration of social isolation in every season of the year except summer. Most fur bearers had been of little significance to aboriginal subsistence and the effective deployment of trappers to harvest thinly distributed furs was different from the traditional arrangements utilized to take caribou, moose, small game, and fish. Only the summer fishing season was unaffected by the demands of the fur trade, a fact that doubtless insulated the Ingalik from some of the hazards of an economy based primarily on trapping.

Beginning in 1845 with the establishment of a Russian Orthodox mission at Ikogmiut, traditional Ingalik religion was confronted by a small but highly dedicated group of church workers who became increasingly significant as agents of culture change. The first Ortho- dox priests were able to make infrequent visits to most of the widely dispersed villages and this restricted their influence. Isolated by the departure of the Russian- American Company in 1867, Orthodox Church representatives were poorly equipped to withstand the determined intrusion of Episcopalian and Roman Catholic mission- aries 20 years later. Both denominations sent workers into the area in 1887, the former at Anvik and the latter at Holy Cross opposite the mouth of the Innoko River.

These missions, of course, emphasized programs aimed at chang- ing the religious views of the people, but their efforts also affected virtually every other aspect of Indian life as well. Educational pro- grams opened up a new world to village young people and helped them learn English, a valuable asset as face-to-face contacts with Euro-Americans steadily increased. Traditional concepts of proper social behavior were undermined and new concepts introduced since both Episcopalians and Roman Catholics stressed the necessity of living a Christian life, not just adhering to a new set of religious practices. In the early years of the missions the authority of the mis- sionaries became virtually complete since they controlled education, medical services, and other areas of access to the outside world. After the turn of the century, as the United States government assumed greater responsibility for services in the communities, the missionaries gradually became less significant as an acculturative force. The effects of the missions and schools on settlement patterns in the Anvik-Shageluk area is examined in the concluding chapter.

8 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 72

An influx of miners into the Yukon Valley began with the Klon- dike gold rush in 1897 and continued until the decline of diggings on the upper Innoko River just prior to 1920. As a result, new and abundant opportunities for interaction with outsiders were pre- sented to the Ingalik. For the first time, the Indians had an oppor- tunity to observe Euro-Americans other than traders and mission- aries. In the early years of the Klondike stampede, Indians worked on river boats as deck hands and pilots. Although they were soon forced out of these jobs by whites, employment as wood choppers supplying fuel to the river boats continued to be available. The con- version of river boats from wood to oil began in 1903 and following the collapse of the Innoko diggings, the volume of river traffic declined drastically. This meant that the Ingalik were forced once more to rely primarily on income derived from trapping. The gold rush was responsible for bringing about major seasonal fluctuations of population and the establishment of wood camps at strategic locations along the lower-middle Yukon and the Innoko.

Methodology

Methodologically, the research on which this study is based in- volves three techniques: 1) archaeological survey; 2) ethnography; 3) historical investigations. With reference to the survey, a total of 60 sites are numbered and reported on in the following pages including four still occupied and 10 that have either disappeared because of changing configurations of the river or, although physically intact, were not personally visited or observed. Information concerning the latter was either reported to me by informants or obtained from historical sources. Speculations concerning the location and nature of several additional settlements are also included. A great majority of sites, however, were visited by boat, usually in the company of a local resident who provided some on-the-spot ethnographic data. These visits varied in length from a few minutes to the better part of a day. Some sites were visited twice and a few were seen only from the river, a landing being impossible at the time.

Most sites along the Yukon and its tributaries conform to the same general pattern. They are located along a present river bank and are easily visible as relatively open areas covered with a thick growth of very tall grass, willows, and other scrub vegetation. Many, perhaps most, have been partly eroded by river action. The tall grass and other vegetation covering most sites often made it dif- ficult to obtain an accurate identification and count of the individual house pits and other features. Sites along the Innoko and lower

VANSTONE: INGALIK SETTLEMENTS 9

Anvik rivers were less easily visible than those on the Yukon because of particularly thick willow growth near the river bank. In the early summer of 1972, when most of the Innoko survey was con- ducted, extensive flooding made the location of former settlements or camps especially difficult.

The absence of sizeable midden deposits was characteristic of all sites in the region. Since the research was oriented toward former settlements belonging to the historic period, no attempt was made to locate prehistoric sites or establish the extent of precontact occu- pation. Since no excavation or testing was undertaken, it is not known which, if any, of the readily identified historic sites had prehistoric components. It is my impression, however, that evidence for prehistoric occupation would be difficult to determine because of the unstable banks of the Yukon and its major tributaries that have, occasionally, changed dramatically in the course of a single year.

The task of discovering and collecting information about historic settlements was greatly facilitated by the willingness of Indian and white residents of the area to share their knowledge concerning the location of sites, as well as to provide supplementary information about such aspects of settlement patterns as span of occupation and reasons for abandonment. There are four currently occupied villages in the area of the Yukon drainage covered in this study; Anvik (HC- 14), at the mouth of the Anvik River; Grayling (HC-35), about 20 miles above Anvik, established in 1963 on the site of an old settle- ment by the former residents of Holikachuk (HC-9) on the Innoko; Holy Cross (HC-54) opposite the mouth of the Innoko River; and New Shageluk on the Innoko about 45 river miles above its mouth.

Residents of Anvik are familiar with the Yukon between Fox Point Island and the mouth of the Innoko River, but particularly the section of the river above their village where, in the past, many families maintained fish camps. The Anvik River was also the loca- tion of fish and trapping camps as well as an overland route to Nor- ton Sound used frequently in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The residents of Grayling could be counted on to provide information about settlements on Shageluk and Holikachuk sloughs and that section of the Innoko in the vicinity of their former home at Holikachuk, as well as on the Yukon near their present village where Holikachuk residents had traditionally maintained summer fish camps. Elderly informants at Holy Cross were likely to be familiar with the lower Innoko River as well as the region in the vicinity of their village, while at New Shageluk there were a few individuals

10 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 72

who had traveled extensively on the Innoko and its tributaries and were also knowledgeable concerning the rather complicated settle- ment patterns of the Innoko between Shageluk Slough and the mouth of the river.

Although a large number of Indians and whites from all villages in the area were helpful, the most profitable information was ob- tained from a group of about 10 elderly and middle-aged men and women whose memories were remarkably accurate for the years be- tween about 1910 and 1930. There were, however, fewer informants with decided historical interests than I encountered in carrying out a similar project in the Nushagak River region in the mid-1960's. Unlike my experiences with informants in Nushagak communities, relatively little information was obtained from Ingalik informants in response to the mention of settlement names derived from previ- ous studies of historical sources. My Ingalik informants were equal- ly as co-operative as those in Nushagak area villages, but these names simply did not stimulate their memories to the same extent and this study suffers accordingly.

With reference to the historical sources, both published and ar- chival, utilized in the preparation of this study, a few comments may be helpful. Without a doubt, the most useful published source has been deLaguna's (1947) archaeological survey of portions of the Yukon River and its tributaries undertaken in the summer of 1935. Her surveys included all the area with which this study is concerned and she visited and described many of the sites which I located almost 40 years later. Her account of settlement patterns includes reference to virtually all the published source material available at the time as well as some archival sources, and she also mapped and test excavated the more important sites. It has been almost impos- sible to improve on deLaguna's careful work and if I have been suc- cessful in doing so, it is because I have made use of archival materi- als which, because of the much wider scope of her study, it was not feasible for her to consult. Hrdlicka's (1944) entertaining account of his Yukon surveys in 1926 and 1929 has also been useful. Other published sources to which reference has been made in the following pages are, of course, listed in the bibliography and do not require comment at this point. It is worthwhile to note, however, the many published articles by John Wight Chapman, pioneer Episcopalian missionary at Anvik, which often contain brief but valuable com- ments on settlement patterns and related subjects. Dr. Chapman traveled extensively throughout the lower-middle Yukon-lower

VANSTONE: INGALIK SETTLEMENTS 1 1

Innoko area and was an astute observer of Indian life for more than 40 years.

Concerning archival sources, the Archives and Historical Collec- tions of the Episcopal Church contain letters and unpublished writ- ings by Dr. Chapman and others associated directly or indirectly with the mission at Anvik. These materials have been utilized in the preparation of this study. Of equal importance are documents related to the Roman Catholic mission at Holy Cross deposited in the Oregon Province Archives of the Society of Jesus. Among these, the most useful have been the mission diaries maintained almost continuously by the priests between 1889 and 1936. At one time or another they contain references to most of the settlements and camps within the area covered by this study.

In the chapters that follow, the procedure will be to describe the various archaeological sites of the historic period as determined, for the most part, during surveys in the summers of 1972 and 1974. When available, evidence will be presented concerning length of oc- cupancy and population. An attempt will also be made to relate a given site to those around it.

In conclusion it is necessary to refer to the site designation system used in this study, a system which utilizes the 1:250,000 U.S.G.S. topographic quadrangle as an areal base equivalent to the county in other states (Hadleigh-West, 1967, pp. 107-108). Under this system quadrangle names are abbreviated and joined with the prefix "49" to form a trinomial that is similar to the system employed by the Smithsonian Institution. Virtually the entire area with which this study is concerned is encompassed by a single quad- rangle map: Holy Cross (HC). A few sites are located within the area covered by the Unalakleet (Ukt) and Ophir (Oph) quadrangles. Since "49" is the prefix for all Alaska, it is eliminated from the site de- scriptions here to avoid repetition. Thus the total designation will include one of the abbreviations listed above together with a number.

The sites and occupied settlements will be described according to convenient and logical subdivisions of the total region. A subdivi- sion may include more than one quadrangle map and when that occurs sites will not be designated in continuous numerical order. The names of settlements and camps, when they are definitely known, will be included with the appropriate abbreviations and numbers.

I

SETTLEMENTS ON THE INNOKO RIVER AND SHAGELUK SLOUGH

Introduction

In this chapter archaeological sites on the lower Innoko River, exclusive of those at the river's mouth, and on Shageluk Slough will be discussed. Sites at the mouth of the Innoko are more closely related to settlement configurations on the Yukon and will be con- sidered in Chapter IV.

Just below the present-day village of Holy Cross and on the oppo- site river bank is the mouth of the Innoko River, fourth longest tributary of the Yukon. The Innoko is approximately 500 miles in length, and, together with its numerous tributaries, drains an area in excess of 10,000 sq. miles that lies between the central and lower portions of the Yukon and Kuskokwim Rivers.

The Innoko Valley consists of two types of drainage patterns which divide it into distinct sections corresponding approximately with the lower and upper halves of the valley. The upper half, char- acterized by hills and low mountains, is drained by clear streams. It is separated from the Yukon Basin to the northwest by the Kaiyuh Mountains which extend from the south side of the Yukon, opposite the mouth of the Melozitna River, in a southwesterly direction to the lower course of the Innoko near the point where it is joined by Holikachuk Slough, a distance of approximately 175 miles. These mountains are comparatively low, being little more than high hills at their northeast and southwest extremities. To the southeast, the valley of the upper Innoko is separated from that of the Kuskokwim River by a range of the Kuskokwim Mountains. These mountains are higher and more rugged than the Kaiyuh, in some places rising to a height of 4,000 ft. (Maddren, 1909, pp. 242-244.)

In the lower half of the Innoko Valley the river and its principal tributaries meander widely over a considerable extent of low, flat

12

OPH-1 DEMENTI

HC-8 OLD SHAGELUK HC-7 ILTENLEYDEN'

. l^SHAGELUK LAKE *NEW SHAGELUK

HC-3 OLD SWIFTWATER ,

» HC-2 LUSHKAS FISH CAMP

HC-5 NEW SWIFTWATER

(HC-6 INSELNOSTLENDE

Fig. 2. Map of the lower Innoko River.

13

14 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 72

country consisting primarily of silt and clay deposits. Where the river emerges from the upper valley at approximately its confluence with Holikachuk Slough, the banks are about 10 to 15 ft. above the normal level of the river. Here and there, as it makes its way toward the Yukon, the river cuts banks of silt that are from 20 to 35 ft. high and even higher hills approach the east bank below the village of New Shageluk. Generally speaking, however, the banks tend to decrease in height downstream and toward the mouth they are sometimes no more than 3 or 4 ft. above low water level. During spring floods the entire lower valley is sometimes inundated with only an occasional hillock rising above the water level and only tall river bank vegetation to indicate the normal channel.

About 75 miles above its confluence with the Yukon, the Innoko is joined to the latter by Shageluk Slough, an anabranch which runs in a meandering north-south direction generally parallel to the two rivers for a distance of some 40 miles and joins the Innoko approxi- mately 15 river miles above the village of New Shageluk. A branch of Shageluk Slough, Holikachuk Slough flows into the Innoko near the abandoned village of Holikachuk.

A glance at the map (fig. 2) will show that Shageluk Slough, together with the lower Innoko River, creates a large island roughly in the shape of an inverted triangle with Fox Point Island in the northwest corner, Holikachuk in the northeast corner, and Holy Cross at the apex. This arrangement has created confusion in geo- graphical naming and identification by early explorers, traders and missionaries. In some written accounts Shageluk Slough is consid- ered to include not only the slough, but the lower Innoko as well. For these writers the name Innoko is applied only to the river above the mouth of Holikachuk Slough. Since in spring both sloughs deliver a considerable amount of Yukon water to the Innoko, it is easy to see why some observers considered the entire complex of sloughs and a section of the Innoko to be simply a large anabranch of the Yukon.

According to the explorer L. A. Zagoskin (1967, pp. 201, 298), the upper Innoko was called "Tlegon" by the Ingalik and the middle river "Shiltonotno or Innoko." The lower river between the point where Holikachuk Slough enters and its junction with the Yukon was designated "Ittege" by the Indians and "Chagelyuk" or Shage- luk by the neighboring Eskimos. Zagoskin believed the name Shage- luk to mean "willow," a reference to the heavy growth of these trees along the river's banks, while according to one source (Osgood,

VANSTONE: INGALIK SETTLEMENTS 15

1958, p. 27), Innoko is an Ingalik word meaning "in the woods." Father Jules Jette (1907, p. 178), an early Roman Catholic mission- ary at Nulato and long-time student of Indian culture, however, insisted that the name is not Ingalik and there is no general agree- ment concerning the meaning of this designation or its origin.

Site Descriptions

HC-1. This is probably the site referred to by Osgood (1958, p. 29) as "Sleep on the other side." In 1956, at the time of his visit, it was entirely overgrown with willows. According to my informants, the name of the village means "across (or opposite) the hill," and there is, in fact, a sizeable hill, known locally as St. Joe Hill, just opposite the site. An elderly Shageluk resident, 77 years old in 1972, said that he had been born in this settlement and that when he was a boy there were many people living there. His parents were also born there which suggests that the site dates at least to the early nine- teenth century. Other informants noted that this settlement was occupied until about 30 years ago and some could remember two standing cabins that have been cut away by the river within the past 20 years. The river bank is quite low in the vicinity of the site and the same thick growth of willows noted by Osgood was ob- served in the summer of 1972. No structures or the remains of struc- tures could be identified and it is likely that much of the formerly occupied area has been cut away. Informants reported that the site was near a good fishing location for dog salmon and that many peo- ple lived there in tents during part of the summer. There is reported to have been a cemetery in the vicinity, but it could not be located.

HC-2. According to its present appearance, this site, known local- ly as Lushka's Fish Camp, has been seasonally inhabited very recently, but informants noted that it has served as a good fishing location for many years. Like HC-1, it is said to be one of the few locations along the Innoko for taking dog salmon, the only species ascending the river in sufficient numbers to constitute a run. At the present time there is a small frame cabin and large drying rack at the site, but no other signs of occupation. This may be at or near the "village" referred to by Osgood (1958, p. 30) as "Branches to put in one place," which he described as covered with impenetrable willows at the time of his visit.

HC-3. The identification of this site is very tentative. It may be the one referred to by Zagoskin as "Khuingitetakhten," which, in 1844, had a population of 37 living in three houses (Zagoskin, 1967,

16 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 72

p. 307). A map of Alaska published in 1867 and based on Russian charts, as well as surveys by the Western Union Telegraph Com- pany Expedition (Map of Russian America . . . , 1867), shows a village on the Innoko called "Hoeingitetakhten," but the location seems incorrect.

If the above identification is correct, this site was occupied at least as early as the beginning of the nineteenth century. Infor- mants refer to it as "Old Swiftwater," a name also mentioned by Osgood (1958, p. 30), although he appears to have confused its loca- tion with that of HC-6. John Chapman visited a village called "Quoloqutchiaku," tentatively equated with HC-3, in 1931 but the definite date of abandonment is unknown. The site is located oppo- site an island on a low bank that separates the Innoko from a small lake. Only a collapsed cabin could be seen and much of the site now appears to have been cut away.

HC-4. According to informants, the Ingalik name for this site means "Spruce tree slough." Two families are said to have lived here as recently as 30 years ago and the remains of two cabins were visible in 1972. The site was frequently described as one where many inhabitants died during influenza epidemics between 1900 and 1919. Today the area of former occupation appears low, flat, and not more than 4 ft. above high water level. Informants believed that the site, a year-round settlement, dated to the early nineteenth cen- tury with the few remaining inhabitants eventually moving to Old Shageluk.

HC-5. Informants identified this site as "New Swiftwater," but the relationship to Old Swiftwater is not clear since the date of abandonment of the latter is not known. This is a comparatively large site with the remains of at least four cabins and one large old style house pit, its entry tunnel facing downriver. Also visible are the remains of a structure, approximately 15 ft. square, which infor- mants described as a kashim in use within the past 35 years. Like other sites in the immediate vicinity, this one is a low, flat, grass- covered area surrounded by a thick growth of willows. Much of it appears to have been cut away by the river. About 1 mile below New Swiftwater and on the same side of the river is a cemetery; the graves are rapidly being washed out. The village was occupied in 1938 when it had a population of 14 (Anonymous, 1938, pp. 1-2) and there were still a few inhabitants as late as 1946 (Chapman, 1945, p. 10; Anonymous, 1947, p. 19).

VANSTONE: INGALIK SETTLEMENTS 17

HC-6. This is the location of a village which Father Jules Jette (On the geographic names of the Tena, OPA) called "Ekarotsor" mean- ing "big eddy." As noted previously, Osgood appears to have con- fused this site with that of Old Swiftwater (HC-3). Its appearance in 1972 suggests that it is one of the oldest along the lower Innoko. The remains of three old style houses are visible, their entry tunnels facing in different directions. The remains of two small log cabins and two elevated caches were also observed. The site is on a low, narrow spit of land next to a slough and, like so many others on the lower Innoko, much of it appears to have been cut away by the river. A cemetery is located a short distance above on the same side of the river and on slightly higher ground.

It seems likely that this is the site identified by Zagoskin as "Inselnostlende" which, in 1844, had a population of 33 living in two houses (Zagoskin, 1967, p. 307). His maps (Zagoskin, 1967, p. 84, opp. p. 358) show it on the right bank, but the general location is approximately correct for HC-6. Informants stated that this settle- ment had been occupied within the past 40 years, but that many inhabitants died in the influenza epidemic of 1918-1919.

HC-7. This is the site identified by Zagoskin as "Iltenleyden" and it is the largest and most impressive on the lower river. Located on the right bank about halfway between new and old Shageluk, it is probably no more than a mile from either community. The right bank of the river in this area is low, flat, and cutting rapidly. The site appears as a flat, cleared area approximately 400 yd. long and varying in depth throughout its length. At either end it tapers and is narrow, but in the center it is approximately 50 yd. deep. At the river bank the ground surface is about 10 ft. above the water level in late July. Toward the rear, the ground slopes downward and when the water level is high in spring it is likely that flooding begins in this area. It seems probable that water would stand in deep house pits almost every spring. The site is surrounded by a thick growth of willows which in some places have encroached on the formerly occupied area. Willows have also begun to grow directly along the river bank in a few places.

The formerly occupied area is divided about equally into two sec- tions by an intrusion of willows that almost reaches the river bank. The downriver half has been occupied more recently and in this area, well toward the back of the site, are three standing cabins, the re- mains and foundations of several more, at least two raised caches,

18 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 72

several fish racks, and two collapsed smokehouses. Although there is a heavy growth of tall grass and fireweed in this area, seven or eight old style house pits could be discerned, one of which is large enough to have been a kashim. Entry ways could not be determined for all of these, but where they occur, they face away from the river bank. There are also a large number of unidentifiable depressions of varying sizes. All the house pits are toward the front of the site on higher ground and well in front of the cabins. Two houses are very close to the river bank and it is likely that some have been cut away. This lower section of the site was still occupied in the late 1940's (Gordon, 1948, p. 11).

The upriver section of Iltenleyden contains at least six house pits, including a very large structure that was almost certainly a kashim. It is located well back from the bank and has a tunnel and entry way which face the river. The other structures, widely dispersed over the cleared area, do not have obvious tunnels and are not as close to the bank as the houses in the downriver section. At the extreme upper end of the site there is a small modern cemetery in which burials were made as recently as 1971.

It is difficult to discern anything particularly suitable about the location of this site, particularly since the area has obviously flood- ed frequently in the past. There is no obvious source of drinking water, although it is possible that a small creek may have existed somewhere in the area.

Zagoskin noted six houses at Iltenleyden and estimated a popula- tion of 100, although at the time of his visit in February, 1844 many trappers were away from the village (Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 234, 307). Elderly informants at New Shageluk believe that the upper end of the village, the section occupied in Zagoskin' s time, was abandoned early in the present century. The lower end, frequently referred to as "Lower Village" with reference to Old Shageluk, was occupied at least as early as 1905 (Chapman, 1906, p. 755) and, as previously noted, up to approximately 25 years ago.

HC-8. This settlement, known today as Old Shageluk, was one of the most important on the Innoko River throughout much of the historic period. Zagoskin (1967, p. 235) called it "Tlegozhitno," which, according to Osgood (1958, p. 29), is a close approximation of the Ingalik name meaning "rotten fish." John Chapman and other missionaries sometimes referred to Old Shageluk as Schoolhouse Village after a government school was built there about 1906.

VANSTONE: INGALIK SETTLEMENTS 19

The Old Shageluk site is located on a narrow strip of land which separates the Innoko River from Shageluk Lake. The total occupied area, narrowest (about 50 yd.) in the center and widening at either end to about 100 yd., is a little more than a quarter of a mile long. When the Innoko is low in midsummer, the houses and outbuildings are from 3 to 8 ft. above the water level with the area bordering the lake being consistently higher. As a result, known habitation has always been back against the lake shore. In general, the upriver end of the site is lowest and this area frequently floods in spring. In years of severe flooding, the entire strip of land, and consequently the village, lies submerged, the lake and river becoming a single body of water. In winter, strong winds blow across the lake, some- times creating snowdrifts that cover the houses.

In 1966 the Bureau of Indian Affairs built a new school approx- imately 2V4 miles downriver and the residents of Old Shageluk gradually moved to the new site. The above-mentioned flooding in spring and blowing snow in winter were other reasons which encour- aged the residents to move. Although three families remained in the old village in 1972, it will clearly be only a matter of time before the entire settlement is abandoned.

Today Old Shageluk has, as might be expected, the appearance of a recently abandoned settlement or even one from which the inhabi- tants are only temporarily absent. At the time of the move to the new site, some houses were dismantled and the logs used for fire- wood or to construct dwellings in the